📩 NATO should be bolder on Russia

Plus: Will democracy survive?

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DEAR READER, 

Last week, Central and Eastern Europe was hit by devastating floods, resulting in casualties in Poland, Romania and Austria. This marks the second consecutive year of severe flooding in the region – just last year, Slovenia was struck by torrential rains. These recurring disasters are alarming; not only do they impact our climate security, but they also remind us of the growing effects of climate change on our lives. If you wish to help out those affected, you can head over to the fundraiser organized by Polska Akcja Humanitarna by following this link.

However, there is another, greater, security threat in the region which relates to Russia’s war in Ukraine: with increased bombings of Ukrainian cities, Russian drones are posing a real danger to NATO countries. Since the beginning of the war there have been numerous instances of Russian drones violating the airspace of Romania and Latvia, with a drone crashing just recently in the latter. There have been missile crossings into Polish territory, with jets being scrambled.

Where should NATO draw the line in responding to these provocations? In 2015, Turkey, a NATO member, shot down a Russian jet violating its airspace – was this an overreach, or a necessary act of self-defense? How decisive should NATO be in addressing the missile threat from Russia? We asked Wojciech Michnik, a contributing editor here at New Eastern Europe, who shares his insight on defending NATO territory from these violations.

In other news, we have just published our latest issue, titled: “Will democracy survive?” As democracy activist Samuel Chu has said, democracy is about more than just casting votes – it requires the drive to create change and the agency to influence it. With 2024 being a decisive year for democracy, we asked our authors to explore whether it can withstand current challenges. Learn more below.

Lastly, we will be attending the Warsaw Security Forum next week, a key event featuring top security experts and policy makers from the region, so in next week’s brief we will provide you with some reflections on the current state of security in Poland and its neighbouring region. Stay tuned!

Enjoy reading this week’s “brief”!

— Giorgi Beroshvili, Editorial Assistant

Ep. 192: Ukrainian culture at war. Guest: Kate Tsurkan

TOP STORIES OF THE WEEK

🇦🇲 Armenian law-enforcement claims to have foiled an alleged coup plot. The authorities have arrested individuals recruited for military training in Russia, according to the Investigative Committee. One of the detainees is Serob Gasparian, the leader of the militant group Sev Hovaz, who denies the charges. This follows previous alleged coup attempts, with multiple arrests linked to plots targeting the Armenian government.

🇺🇦 Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to meet Biden, Harris, and Trump. Zelenskyy is set to address the United Nations General Assembly and present his “Victory Plan” for Ukraine. The meeting with President Biden on September 26 will include discussions about lifting restrictions on Western-supplied long-range missiles.

🇷🇴/🇵🇱 Romania, Poland report the highest inflation in the European Union. According to the data published by Eurostat, while inflation slowed across most EU countries, Poland’s rate remained high due to the partial unfreezing of energy prices in July. It is expected that the gap will further widen in 2025. Core inflation in Poland stood at 3.7% in August. On the contrary, Latvia and Lithuania recorded the lowest inflation in the bloc.

🇲🇩 Report on pre-election risk assessment released before the presidential elections in Moldova. Moldova is set to hold pivotal presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on its membership in the European Union on October 20. A report published by the German Marshall Fund recommends strengthening electoral administration, enhancing legal frameworks, and countering foreign interference to ensure free and fair elections.

🇬🇪 Visa free travel from Georgia to the EU is in danger. The European Commission is considering temporary suspension of visa free travel following recent Georgian legislation targeting civil liberties, including the “LGBT propaganda” law and crackdown on civil society after adopting the “foreign agents” law. Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze called the EU’s threats “cheap blackmail”. Amid recent developments, the relations between the bloc and Georgia have deteriorated, effectively freezing the accession talks. Georgia is set to have parliamentary elections on October 26.

EXPERT OPINION

NATO should not be afraid of sending a strong message to Russia

Raising of the NATO flag in Drawsko Pomorskie by Polish soldiers during the Steadfast Jazz exercise in 2013. Photo: U.S Army Europe / flickr.com

It is often said that the Article 5 of the Washington Treaty is a cornerstone of NATO as it commits its members to defend one another in the event of an attack. What is often omitted in the public discourse, is the question of self-help and preparedness of each NATO member state. This was clearly identified in Article 3 of the Treaty which stated that in order to more effectively achieve the objectives of the Treaty, “the Parties, separately and jointly, by means of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid, will maintain and develop their individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack”. The recent discussion sparked by Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs seems to have brought this issue back.

In an interview for the Financial Times on September 3rd, Poland’s FM Radosław Sikorski emphasized that defending national airspace remains a top priority, even in the face of NATO’s objections. He highlighted the necessity of intercepting and neutralizing any airborne threats approaching Poland, even before they enter Polish airspace: “Membership in NATO does not trump each country’s responsibility for the protection of its own airspace – it’s our own constitutional duty,” Sikorski said alluding to NATO’s official policy of “not participating in this [Russian-Ukrainian] conflict … and not being directly involved” in destroying Russian aircraft.

This issue was brought to a public discussion shortly after another Russian attack on Lviv, in western Ukraine, roughly 70 km from the Polish border. Sikorski reminded that Poland holds a unique position within the EU and NATO as the only country bordering both Russia and Ukraine, underling that the Polish position is clear: “the safety of our citizens must not be compromised by Russian weaponry. Yet, we are facing the incursion of Russian missiles and drones into our airspace.” Earlier this month Russian drones violated Romania airspace, while another crashed in Latvia causing concern in these NATO frontline states.

These incidents are far from isolated. For years, Russia has repeatedly violated the airspace and territorial integrity of NATO members. Sweden, Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Romania and Turkey are just a few examples of this. Whether these incursions were deliberate attempts to test NATO reaction time or the result of Russia's arrogance is ultimately irrelevant. In what was perhaps the most decisive response to such actions, Turkey shot down a Russian fighter jet in 2015. After repeated warnings over Russian airplanes violating Turkish airspace, Turkey shot down the jet 17 seconds after it flew over Turkish territory. This might have suggested that Turkish authorities were waiting for a Russian plane to come close enough to Turkish airspace with the aim of delivering a rather strong message, that such a behaviour would not be tolerated. And even though that action is different from shooting down Russian missiles and drones over Ukrainian territory, the current intended message to Russia is similar: there are limits to the aggressive behaviour.

Arguably since Russia's 2014 attack on Ukraine, NATO and its member states have tried to convey the message (to Russia) that every inch of NATO territory will be defended against attacks from any potential adversary. This message, although largely consistent, has not always been well articulated. Especially after the 2022 full-scale invasion, the need for a more robust deterrence emerged. Russia with its own strategic signalling and provocations put pressure on NATO, especially its frontline members. Thus, Poland’s recent stance should not only be understood but also welcomed within NATO. Apparently, the Polish approach is gaining support from powerful members of the Alliance, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently said that Poland has a right to shoot down Russian missiles over Ukraine before they enter its airspace.

Finally, there is a fine line between provocations, risk taking and strategic signalling to ensure that deterrence works. So far NATO has been quite cautious not to provoke Russia. Some would argue that the Alliance was even too soft on sending messages about protecting its territory and its members. After all, the Alliance is only as secure as its most vulnerable members. In the context of Russia's aggressive policies, the frontline states are the most prone to hybrid or conventional attacks.

Wojciech Michnik, Contributing Editor with New Eastern Europe

OUR LATEST ISSUE IS OUT

In this issue, we explore how autocrats in countries like Russia and Belarus have adapted to the modern world, and how their tactics are being mirrored globally. Even within the European Union, authoritarian methods like the "foreign agents" law have begun to take hold. Admittedly, there is no single solution to reverse these trends, but understanding the symptoms is the first step toward addressing the underlying issues.

Grab your copy today to learn more about the critical threats democracy is facing and how the countries can fight back.

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Illustration by Andrzej Zaręba.

Ukrainian drone attack has hit a Russian arms depot. We often share Andrzej’s illustrations on our X/Twitter, you can see more of his drawings here.

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